Sgpolitics.net
Thursday, 31 July 2008
cities sell themselves to the world, on whose sufferance?
A chance to host a internationally acclaimed event can reverse the attitudes of officials overnight.
While authorities had been in no hurry to curb pollution in the past despite feisty criticisms and concerns for their fellow countrymen's health, it is almost laughable to watch government officials' recent attempts, scrambling to curb pollutions surrounding the city.
Given in the recent hype surrounding Beijing's hosting of the Olympic games, it is easy to turn a blind eye to the flip side of the story.
While Beijing sells itself to the world, and elicits praises from the international community for a series of measures to iron out the Olympic preparations, one can be forgiven for failing to flip the side of the coin and ask: At whose expense?
Factories are forced to a closure, jobs of factory workers have been temporarily cut off- Will the government eventually compensates for the workers' loss of earnings?
New traffic rules are implemented, with millions of common people on the streets inconvenienced and left to their own devices- Did the officials listened to the concerns of the people and investigated the impact upon them before taking such drastic measures?
I'm not suggesting that world-acclaimed events shouldn't be showered with all the attention they deserve. But it is pathetic that in a attempt to do so, the basic rights of the countrymen have taken the backseat or even disregarded.
Now, recalling what is close to home, it has always been fascinating to hear Singapore's elder statesman Mr LKY, wax lyrical about Singapore's coming of golden period ad nauseum.
But what does this mean, for a 70yr old lady working her butt off, clearing the tables in coffee shops for hours and hours while Singapore boast its international profile, and the government perpetuates to dwell on its successes?
Is she, a unskilled worker going to have her income raised? When is it ever going to be her turn to get a respite from the relentless cost of living?
Are the elderly, unskilled and less abled poor going to receive more then $280 per month for what they laboured through in the past, to bring the country to where it stands today?
Has the country, in its obsession to accomplish the bigger scheme of things and move ahead, left them in the wake?
Why must the old and less abled continue to slog it out while the nation progresses into its golden period?
When will the country's progress ever translate to benefits for the less fortunate?
When our government spew the words; "growth at all cost", what does "cost" really mean?
The country is moving ahead, but many in the lowest rungs of the societal ladder aren't following suit.
Sometimes the government forgets the primary purpose for which the people put them in the governing seat for; that is, to take care of the welfare of its countrymen right down to the last man on the streets.
Are the little people negligible as our efficient government strives to reach new heights on the global front?
In countries where democracy does not thrive, the rights and worth of the man on the streets cheapen.
Voices of the people are often overlooked as ruling elites do not keep their nose to the ground.
Hougang residents keeping me on my toes: Low to SM Goh
| July 31, 2008 | | |
| Hougang residents keeping me on my toes: Low to SM Goh | ||
The Workers' Party (WP) chief said he was already kept on his toes by the residents of Hougang. There was no need for grassroots leaders of the ruling People's Action Party to do the same, he told reporters after his weekly Meet-the-People session. Said the Hougang MP: 'All my residents are keeping me on my toes so far. They are very kind, they give feedback and I take that as positive.' Mr Low's retort follows SM Goh's call to grassroots leaders at a National Day dinner in Hougang last Saturday. Keep the MP on his toes, he told them then. He suggested that, among other things, they scrutinise the town council's accounts and check on the maintenance of the estate. Last night, Mr Low was unable to resist injecting a dose of sarcasm in his reply. 'I wish to thank the residents of Hougang and also many Singaporeans who support the Workers' Party for giving feedback constantly on the work of Hougang Town Council, without the need for the reminder from SM Goh. 'For the information of the Senior Minister, the Hougang Town Council's accounts are on the website. He may want to take a look himself.' Mr Low also said that SM Goh had forgotten his $100 million promise made during the 2006 general election. Referring to Mr Goh's presence in his ward last weekend, he said, 'I thought maybe Senior Minister wanted to...provide some good news, and provide some funds after so many years. But to my disappointment he did not.' SM Goh had promised $100 million to improve Hougang, but only if the PAP candidate Eric Low won the poll. Last night the WP leader also defended his check-and-balance role in Parliament, a philosophy SM Goh had described as narrow. Mr Low argued that if the PAP wanted more from the opposition, it should give them more political space. 'The PAP should allow the opposition more space in political participation, and not anyhow redraw the (electoral) boundaries,' he said. While any political party would aspire to form the government, he said the WP is realistic. 'Being in a political environment like Singapore's, and given the party's resource constraint...we can't.' He also said he was disappointed with the way the Government had moved to tear down nine blocks of flats in Hougang. He stressed he was not against development but was dismayed the residents would be moving to different parts of the island. Also, his town council had done a lot of improvement work on the blocks, he said. 'Are they going to reimburse us? If they told us earlier, we could have saved some money.' JEREMY AU YONG | ||
Doing what's right without fear or favour
Lee Wei Ling
Wed, Jul 30, 2008
The Straits Times
I WAS born and bred in Singapore. This is my home, to which I am tied by family and friends. Yet many Singaporeans find me eccentric, though most are too polite to verbalise it. I only realised how eccentric I am when one friend pointed out to me why I could not use my own yardstick to judge others.
I dislike intensely the elitist attitude of some in our upper socio-economic class. I have been accused of reverse snobbery because I tend to avoid the wealthy who flaunt their wealth ostentatiously or do not help the less fortunate members of our society.
I treat all people I meet as equals, be it a truck driver friend or a patient and friend who belongs to the richest family in Singapore.
I appraise people not by their usefulness to me but by their character. I favour those with integrity, compassion and courage. I feel too many among us place inordinate emphasis on academic performance, job status, appearance and presentation.
I am a doctor and director of the smallest public sector hospital in Singapore, the National Neuroscience Institute (NNI). I have 300 staff, of whom 100 are doctors. I emphasise to my doctors that they must do their best for every patient regardless of paying status. I also appraise my doctors on how well they care for our patients, not by how much money they bring in for NNI.
My doctors know I have friends who are likely to come in as subsidised patients. I warn them that if I find them not treating any subsidised patient well, their appraisal - and hence bonus and annual salary increments - would be negatively affected. My doctors know I will do as I say.
I remind them that the purpose of our existence and the measure of our success is how well we care for all our patients - and that this is the morally correct way to behave and should be the reason why we are doctors. In NNI, almost all patients are given the best possible treatment regardless of their paying status.
My preference for egalitarianism extends to how I interact with my staff. I am director because the organisation needs a reporting structure. But my staff are encouraged to speak out when they disagree with me. This tends to be a rarity in several institutions in Singapore. The fear that one's career path may be negatively affected is what prevents many people from speaking out.
This reflects poorly on leadership. In many organisations, superiors do not like to be contradicted by those who work under them. Intellectual arrogance is a deplorable attitude.
'Listen to others, even the dull and ignorant; they too have their story,' the Desiderata tells us. It is advice we should all heed - especially leaders, especially doctors.
I speak out when I see something wrong that no one appears to be trying to correct. Not infrequently, I try to right the wrong. In doing so, I have stepped on the sensitive toes of quite a few members of the establishment. As a result, I have been labelled 'anti-establishment'. Less kind comments include: 'She dares to do so because she has a godfather'.
I am indifferent to these untrue criticisms; I report to my conscience; and I would not be able to face myself if I knew that there was a wrong that I could have righted but failed to do so.
I have no protective godfather. My father, Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew, would not interfere with any disciplinary measures that might be meted out to me.
And I am not anti-establishment. I am proud of what Singapore has achieved. But I am not a mouthpiece of the government. I am capable of independent thought and I can view problems or issues from a perspective that others may have overlooked.
A few months ago, I gave a talk on medical ethics to students of our Graduate Medical School. They sent me a thank-you card with a message written by each student. One wrote: 'You are a maverick, yet you are certainly not anti-establishment. You obey the moral law.' Another wrote: 'Thank you for sharing your perspective with us and being the voice that not many dare to take.'
It would be better for Singapore's medical fraternity if the young can feel this way about all of us in positions of authority.
After the Sars epidemic in 2003, the Government began to transform Singapore into a vibrant city with arts and cultural festivals, and soon, integrated resorts and night F1. But can we claim to be a civilised first world country if we do not treat all members of our society with equal care and dignity?
There are other first world countries where the disparity between the different socio- economic classes is much more extreme and social snobbery is even worse than in Singapore. But that is no excuse for Singaporeans not to try harder to treat each other with dignity and care.
After all, both the Bible and Confucius tell us not to treat others in a way that we ourselves would not want to be treated. That is a moral precept that many societies accept in theory, but do not carry out in practice.
I wish Singapore could be an exception in this as it has been in many other areas where we have surprised others with our success.
The writer is director of the National Neuroscience Institute. Think-Tank is a weekly column rotated among eight heads of research and tertiary institutions.
Wednesday, 30 July 2008
NSP wants to rejoin Opposition alliance?
Loh Chee Kong
cheekong@mediacorp.com.sg
EIGHTEEN months after it broke away from the Singapore Democratic Alliance (SDA), the National Solidarity Party (NSP) has made overtures to rejoin the grouping.
According to sources, the NSP made the unofficial approach last month to SDA chairman and veteran Potong Pasir MP Chiam See Tong. Said an SDA source: “We don’t know what’s their intention, so we are quite wary.”
Mr Chiam declined comment when contacted on Friday, but NSP president Sebastian Teo conceded that his party has broached the idea for NSP and SDA to “come together as one”.
While details are still sketchy, Mr Teo insisted the latest move, if it materialises, would not be a U-turn.
Saying it was “the people’s wish” for Opposition parties to band together, Mr Teo said: “Pulling out is pulling out. What I’m thinking of is whether we can come under one party.”
Whether or not either party will subsume the other “has not come under discussion yet”, said Mr Teo, who reiterated that an alliance structure was less efficient and “makes it hard for the component parties to move together”.
Since it broke away from SDA, the NSP has been conducting activities in areas that include Kallang Bahru, Choa Chu Kang and Tampines.
Sources claim that NSP was finding it hard to cope on its own, not just in terms of logistics but also in its ability to recruit new members without Mr Chiam’s iconic appeal.
But Mr Teo dismissed such suggestions, adding that NSP has “increased in strength” although he did not reveal numbers. “We are working well but that doesn’t mean we shouldn’t look for greater synergy.”
One familiar face seen at many NSP activities is former Non-Constituency MP Steve Chia, who reportedly stepped down from politics two years ago after his second failed attempt to win a seat in Choa Chu Kang in the 2006 General Election.
When contacted on Friday, Mr Chia said he was misquoted by reporters then and had no intention to throw in the towel. But he was tight-lipped on whether he intends to run for the next elections, due by 2011. “We’ll wait and see”, he said.
Tuesday, 29 July 2008
Law Society replies to letter from activists
Law Society replies to letter from activists
By Jeremy Au Yong
THE Law Society has advised a group, charged with taking part in an illegal assembly, to get the help it wants from its legal aid scheme.
The society's president, Mr Michael Hwang, brought the scheme to the group's attention in a reply to its letter asking the society to arrange legal representation for the members.
Mr Hwang also told the group of 18 that the society 'expressed no views on the specific complaints that you and your colleagues have against the Government'.
'The society is concerned that all citizens should have access to legal representation, particularly in criminal cases,' he said.
The letter, dated last Tuesday, is on the websites of the Law Society and the Singapore Democratic Party (SDP), whose leader Chee Soon Juan is among the 18 charged.
When contacted yesterday, Mr Hwang said he did not want to add to the 'carefully crafted' letter.
The society's Criminal Legal Aid Scheme offers help to those who cannot afford regular lawyer fees and have claimed trial on criminal charges.
It covers 15 Acts in the Singapore statutes, including the Miscellaneous Offences (Public Order and Nuisance) Act under which this particular group is charged.
The scheme is separate from a similar one the Government runs. Its Legal Aid Bureau extends help for specified civil cases such as divorces and road accidents.
The letter was presented to the Law Society on July 16 by lawyer Chia Ti Lik, who is also among the 18 charged. Others include Chee's sister Siok Chin, blogger Ng E-Jay and film-maker Seelan Palay.
They are accused of taking part in an illegal assembly outside Parliament House on March 15, when they protested against rising prices.
They also began a march that the police stopped outside Funan DigitaLife Mall in North Bridge Road.
The group had asked the society to step in as it felt the members' fundamental civil liberties had been restricted.
'The Law Society of Singapore, being the body that represents our defenders of justice, must assist citizens who are prosecuted by the state for exercising their fundamental liberties and cannot just stand idly by and be content to do nothing,' the 18 wrote.
Chia could not be reached for comment yesterday.
He and the others are due in court on Aug 18 for a pre-trial conference.
Monday, 28 July 2008
Monday manifesto: is Singapore the canary in the mine?
July 28, 2008
Monday manifesto: is Singapore the canary in the mine?
The city-state’s Finance Minister argues that it is a barometer for all of Asia and will be uniquely tested by the credit crunch
Leo Lewis
It was the night before Singapore's Finance Minister was due to talk to The Times and a more internationally recognisable voice of the city-state was out and about in full, hectoring flow.
Lee Kuan Yew, the octogenarian statesman who looms over the Singaporean Government as its “Minister Mentor”, was opening an event at one of the city's swish hotels. If voters were ever gripped by the “sheer madness” of electing a member of the opposition, Mr Lee said, in a typical bit of carrot-and-stick politicking, it would take “only five years” to ruin Singapore completely.
It is tempting to believe that the old man must be wrong and that there is far more resilience in Asia's smallest country than its patriarch suggests. Singapore's affluent skyline bears every sign of the city-state's sustained economic vibrancy. Where there are not recently finished skyscrapers, there are cranes building more.
There is a fledgeling biotechnology industry and a fourth university has just opened. The host of expatriates, sucked first towards the city's financial district for work, cram a swelling new ghetto of clubs and bars after hours. Even Cabinet ministers admit that the place is much more interesting than it used to be. Singapore appears, at least on the surface, to be a country with enough momentum and vivacity to survive the election of a few MPs from outside the monolithic ruling party.
But there is little doubt that Singapore's business model is under threat. According to the Finance Minister Tharman Shanmugaratnam, it always has been. And now it has a number of hungry, growing cities in India and China breathing down its neck as viable financial hubs. Because of Singapore's minuscule size, the openness of its markets and its dependence on exports and the financial services industry to drive growth, a country that appears to have prospered through doctrinaire social manipulation is, in reality, disproportionately at the mercy of monetary and fiscal policy.
“I would say that starting from the premise that we are vulnerable is not a bad thing in a whole sphere of policies,” Mr Tharman said. “The fact is that we are vulnerable ... psychologically, it is both a liability and an asset.”
He describes the need for a place such as Singapore to build resilience to the “unknown unknowns” that the global economy may throw in a finance minister's path. In the 21st century, he argues, unpredictable shocks are becoming more frequent.
Latitude in monetary and fiscal policy is crucial - and yet when the softly spoken, British-educated Mr Tharman talks of Singapore's striking economic vulnerabilities, he emphasises the need for social cohesion, a force, he says, that has helped to make his country so attractive for investment and without which one of South-East Asia's most impressive economic stories would surely unravel.
Although that emphasis on social cohesion as economic panacea is textbook Singapore stuff, Mr Tharman believes that the Government's attitudes are too readily simplified. It is easy, he smiles, to parody Singapore - and the farther from Singapore you go, the easier it is. Instead, Mr Tharman sees himself as being in charge of the finances of a complex society with a “surprising amount of fringe”.
Nor does he see paradox within the Government as it struggles to ferment new ideas and a “fertile crescent”
for business and science. When he returned from a recent visit to Israel, Mr Tharman remarked on that country's ability to nurture innovation within what he called an unruly democracy. It is not outside Singaporean culture to be questioning people, he said, but there was more evolving to do. He adds his belief that the Government should not try to control the internet because of the impossibility of doing so effectively - a comment at odds with a continuing legal action against a foreign blogger critical of Singapore's justice system.
“It is not every man for himself and every idea for itself and we all live happily ever after,” Mr Tharman said. “We have to preserve this compact, but never be trapped by our past.”
Singapore's need for social cohesion, Mr Tharman believes, arises from its size. If Singapore were like London or San Francisco and other cities within larger economies, he argues, it could afford to be more of a free-for-all. “In those cities you have the weight of a middle country out there where established norms are sustained and persevered with and values evolve only gradually,” he said. “Our middle country is two or three subway stops from the centre of the financial district. Everyone is part of the same neighbourhood. You have to look after not just your software programmer, your financial derivatives trader and your creative class, but the people who are clearing the refuse and serving in the McDonald's outlets, the technicians, secretaries and engineers.
“That is why you need a certain degree of consensus-building, a degree of constraint in your social norms.”
Cohesion, therefore, remains the stated goal and Mr Tharman insists that the global economic tide has made securing it even more vital. The balance of policy-making, he says, is even more delicate. Singapore's traditional use of exchange-rate policy to respond to the economy's various headwinds faces limitations in the current climate, he feels. A dramatic strengthening of the Singapore dollar might bring some temporary relief from $120-a-barrel oil prices, but it would hurt the country's already slowing exports.
Singapore's extraordinary rise was crafted in an era of far more favourable terms of trade. With that era over, the burden on the monetary and fiscal navigators is even heavier. With the exception of eggs, Singapore imports all its food and energy, so it has found itself in the front row for soaring commodity prices and the resultant inflation. Mr Tharman says that the most critical task he faces is ensuring that corporate Singapore does not unleash a second, more destructive, spiral of inflation via wage rises.
The tripartite tradition of annual pay talks, which puts the Government at the same table as employers and unions, goes a long way to ensuring that the State's views on the matter are heard.Morever, Singapore's wrestle with inflation is teaching lessons that should be heeded abroad. Singapore's unique catalogue of exposures, Mr Tharman says, means that it is behaving like an ultra-sensitive barometer for the rest of Asia. With very little in the way of padding from price shocks, Singapore is facing in the immediate weeks what others will be forced to cope with in coming months.
Mr Tharman said: “We have not had the luxury of even contemplating insulating ourselves from global prices. We are a small, highly open economy, a textbook case of a country that cannot insulate itself from global prices and trends. How we behave and how we respond to the crisis is, in a sense, something that all countries will have elements of. Ultimately, as you are finding across Asia, sustaining subsidies is an expensive proposition.”
Given Singapore's reputation as a land of strict rules with a top-down vision of how the state should look, many people would expect its Government to dictate its way through any given crisis. Mr Tharman is adamant, though, that Singapore's response will bear no such hallmarks. “It's really not an economy that can be characterised in any sense as having command features,” he said. “If we are interventionist, it is in the social sphere in the way we shape our housing policies ... in the effort to achieve social cohesion and ethnic cohesion in our neighbourhoods.
“Singapore is one of the freest economies in the world. We make no bones about the fact that we do intervene in the social sphere to ensure a degree of mobility and cohesion that would not naturally come about through the free workings of the market.”
Tharman Shanmugaratnam CV
Born: 1957
Education: Obtained undergraduate and masters degrees in economics from the London School of Economics and Cambridge University. Later obtained a masters degree in Public Administration at Harvard University
Career: Politics: Singapore's Minister for Finance. Previously served in various positions in the Economic and Education ministries since his entry into politics in 2001, including Minister for Education between August 2003 and March 2008. He was appointed Minister for Finance in December last year
Finance: Spent much of his earlier professional life at the Monetary Authority of Singapore (MAS), Singapore's central bank and integrated financial regulator, where he was chief executive before he entered politics. At present, he is also deputy chairman of the National Research Foundation and serves on the boards of the Government of Singapore Investment Corporation and the MAS. He is chairman of the Ong Teng Cheong Institute of Labour Studies and chairman of the Council of Advisors of the Singapore Industrial and Services Employees' Union. He is a life trustee of the Singapore Indian Development Association
Family: married to Jane Yumiko Ittogi, a lawyer. They have four children, three boys and a girl, all school age
Andrew Loh (TOC): A gracious society? I’d settle for a gracious government
A gracious society? I’d settle for a gracious government
Wednesday, 9 January 2008, 11:23 am | 313 views
Where is the graciousness in govt?
By Andrew Loh
At a dialogue marking the 40th anniversary of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (Iseas), Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew said that Singapore “will take more time to develop and mature culturally as a people” before we attain the status of a ‘gracious society’.
He also believes that Singapore will not achieve this in his lifetime. (Straits Times)
While MM Lee may perhaps be right in his assessment, he failed to mention what could be another contributing factor – perhaps the most important one – which sets the tone for Singapore society.
This is the public words (and behaviour) of leaders in government.
Armed for a fresh battle
Sunday July 27, 2008
Armed for a fresh battle
By NELSON BENJAMIN
At 82, Singapore’s veteran opposition politician J.B. Jeyaretnam has overcome the odds and a bankruptcy suit to continue his battle. Armed with a new party, his political convictions are as strong as ever.
VETERAN Singapore opposition figure J.B. Jeyaretnam created history in 1981 when he became the first opposition MP in the island republic. The former magistrate, regarded now as Singapore's old political warrior, has paid a high price for his political convictions: he has had to sell off his properties and peddle his books along five-foot ways to help raise over S$1.5mil (RM3.45mil) to pay for at least a dozen defamation law suits against him during his 30-year political career.
The 82-year-old has now formed a new party, the Reform Party, and he hopes to continue with what he is doing as long as he is strong and healthy.
You were prohibited from active politics between 2001 and last year due to a defamation suit against you. How was it for you during this period?
I was angry, I suppose. The reason was obvious, as the reason for commencing bankruptcy procedures against me was to take me out of Parliament. I tried to resist but I did not succeed. As a bankrupt I was not allowed to leave the country without getting permission from the official assignee. Even to come to Johor Baru over the weekends, I had to make an application. So there was a complete restriction on my travel. Apart from that, there were all the other little things, like you cannot have a bank account when you are a bankrupt. I was not even allowed to assist other candidates in the elections. They said I was not to go anywhere near an election rally. I was not allowed to go and speak. I was not to go and even assist any candidate because they said that was election activity and as a bankrupt I cannot do that.
The right measure: Jeyaretnam believes one should measure a country by the quality of people’s lives and not by the roads, buildings and services provided. How did you raise the final amount to settle your defamation suit?
In the end my two sons bailed me out. The lion's share came from them. There were some small sums from others. This is because Singaporeans, for some reason or other, are frightened to give any money. Because of the climate of fear, Singaporeans did not give me much money although many sympathised with me. Most of the sales of my two books went towards my living expenses. My first book titled Make it right for Singapore is a compilation of all my speeches in parliament. The other, The Hatchet Man of Singapore, was after the 1997 elections. These books kept my body and soul together; they gave me something to do as besides writing them, I also sold them by the five-foot way in several areas three times a week together with a friend who has been with me since my time in the Workers Party.
Many Singaporeans were hoping you would contest in the 2006 elections. How much were you short of settling your bankruptcy amount?
That was my desperate hope. If the courts had agreed to fix the amount, I could have raised it. This is why I was disappointed with the courts. If the courts had fixed the amount and I knew what I had to raise, then I might have raised it through my sons. I do not know for sure whether it was a delaying tactic.
Have you started practising since the bankruptcy order was lifted?
I am doing one or two civil cases at the moment. I am operating on my own from my office off South Bridge Road. The person who was selling books is working with me now. I am here (Singapore) during weekdays.
The first thing you did after paying up your bankruptcy amount was to register a new party, the Reform Party. What was the main aim behind the formation of the party?
The main thing is to restructure the way we are governed in Singapore. Call it a “system” if you like. At the moment, the way we are governed is we have the executive (the ruling People's Action Party) at the top. And it's a law unto itself. The executive makes decisions and policies without any consultation with the people. And what is worrying is that there's no check on the executive, partly because Parliament is in the control of the PAP.
And even now, with just two opposition members in parliament, Parliament passes laws and abrogates the powers of the court. The courts cannot enquire into the merits of anyone detained without trial. A number of decisions made by ministers are kept outside the courts' jurisdiction, especially decisions affecting peoples' lives. So the courts are not protecting the rights of the citizens.
There is this question of freedom of speech in assembly. The constitution grants it, but government says no. Elections in Singapore are not free and clear, as there is no election commission in Singapore. Parliament is no longer a body that is separate, independent and able to control the executive. This is what I think is the urgent priority for Singapore.
Many people retire by the age of 82 but you seem to be eager to get back in parliament this year. Why?
I do expect to get back in parliament. But it's not for personal power but because I genuinely feel sorry for the people in Singapore. I am talking about the dispossessed, the underprivileged people, which make up a huge number. I am not talking about our bankers and wealthy people who are perhaps not interested in human rights. There is quite a bit of poverty in Singapore, even though the world does not seem to think so because of the propaganda machinery of the Government.
So you have no plans to retire soon?
It depends on my health, but I thank God for giving me health and strength. In that sense I owe it to Him to do something.
Are you not tired of being in politics since you started in 1971 with the Workers Party (WP)?
At times I feel tired and say to myself: “Don't you think you should give up now?” But that is only momentary. It is followed by the thought that if I have started on a job and as long as I have the health and strength, I will have to go on with it. And there are people who look to you especially when you walk the streets of Singapore. It is just my conviction that when things are wrong, and if there is anything I can do to put them right, then I should do that. I think every citizen should feel like that. It is a citizen's duty.
Being in the opposition in Singapore all these years has cost you dearly and you even had to sell off your properties. Any regrets?
I did not have many properties but I had to sell a bungalow in a very fashionable area in Singapore to pay the judgement obtained by Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew. Having sold that, three years later I bought a small apartment, and then I had to sell that too. All in, I had easily about 12 to 13 suits to pay off. Some people say I was a fool. All I can say is I do not regret it because, to me, life is not all about making money and acquiring wealth. Life is doing something for the people around you.
What do you think about the recent political tsunami in Malaysia?
It is good that there is a strong opposition in Parliament. This is what I am standing up for in Singapore. I want that for Singapore too.
Do you think such a political tsunami is possible in Singapore?
You never know, especially if Singaporeans take to heart what has happened in Malaysia. It is good to have a strong opposition.
As you can see, former Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim is widely regarded as the person who united the opposition. Are you planning to play the same role?
This talk about uniting the opposition parties in Singapore is not new. It has been talked about for many years. When I was in the WP, we managed to unite the Barisan Sosialis and another political party into one party. But before you can unite into a group, you must have similarities in ideals, objectives and values. And as I have said, even the WP now does not share my objective. Neither do the other opposition parties. So I do not see how we can really talk about coming together as one party.
In the Malaysian elections, blogs, SMS, and the Internet played an important role in getting the message across to the voters. What do you think?
It goes without saying. We cannot ignore the value and importance of the Internet in Singapore. If you access the blogs in Singapore, you will see the debate that is being carried out. So, of course, it will be foolish of us if we do not resort to the Internet to convey our messages to the people.
Many Singaporeans feel that the PAP has developed the country and, as such, there is no need for an opposition. What do you think about this?
Those who say this have swallowed the PAP's propaganda. No government, anywhere in the world, can be so good that there is no need for an opposition. It is only in dictatorships where one man rules the country without an opposition. And I differ (from the view) that PAP has done a lot for Singapore.
When you come to measure a country, you do not just look at the roads, the buildings, and the services provided. What you will be looking at is the quality of the peoples’ lives, whether they are allowed to live as human beings with dignity.
Singapore ranked at the bottom in a survey carried out to rank peoples’ happiness. The quality of life is poor. It is no good boasting about your efficiency, boasting about your airport, or boasting about anything else when the people are not happy.
Many say you are in constant loggerheads with the PAP and especially with the Lee family maybe because you have a personal grudge against Lee Kuan Yew.
This is a load of nonsense. I am opposed to the PAP policies not because I have something against Lee personally. But he happens to be the head of the PAP, so people try and equate my dissatisfaction with the PAP with some personal animosity against Lee Kuan Yew. I am clearly opposed to all that the PAP stands for. I am against the system, not the person.
Are your sons into politics?
No. They are not joining me and they have not joined any political party. But that does not mean they are not interested in political affairs and at the moment, I do not hope for them to succeed me.
Sunday, 27 July 2008
SM: Tweaks to system yes, but the core must remain
| July 27, 2008 | | ||
| SM: Tweaks to system yes, but the core must remain | |||
| Politics here must evolve but not in a way that leads to division or chaos | |||
| By Jeremy Au Yong | |||
While conceding that the 'status quo cannot last forever', he noted that certain things must not change even with tweaks to the system. 'Whatever the refinements we may make to our political system down the road, some core principles must remain the same,' he said. 'One, any changes must be fair to all parties and give them an equal chance to contest and win; two, they must not lead to democratic chaos and politics of division; and three, they must not put Singapore's unity and harmony, growth and prosperity and long-term interests at risk.' He was speaking at the National Day dinner in the opposition-held Hougang ward, returning there for the first time since the 2006 General Election. 'Ideally, our political system should facilitate the emergence of a strong, effective government after every election and a responsible, constructive opposition,' he added.
The immediate task for the ruling party was to look for good candidates. 'I hope the opposition will do likewise. Then the voters will be given a real choice.' Noting Singaporeans' 'simultaneous need for a strong government and an opposition voice', he said efforts had already been made to try and fill it. He cited newspapers, TV, new media and the government feedback unit as among the platforms already available for people to express their views. But he also warned that democracy does not guarantee an effective Parliament. 'Taiwan's democracy is more liberal than ours. But it has divided the society,' he said, citing a Taiwanese political commentator who saw its politics as that of 'hatred, not consensus'. He also pointed to how several criminals were elected into office in India, including a convicted murderer awaiting appeal. 'Our politics is not as exciting as those in other countries and I say: 'Thank goodness for that',' he said. 'We do not need coups, demonstrations in the streets, people power, plots and conspiracies, wild allegations and uncalled-for defamatory remarks to make our politics exciting.' | |||
By-election should be held in Jurong GRC
| July 26, 2008 | |
| By-election should be held in Jurong GRC | |
| THE group representation constituency (GRC) system was established in 1988. The Government says this ensures that minority races are always represented in Parliament, which is commendable. Under the Parliamentary Elections Act, there are 14 GRCs represented by 75 MPs and nine single-member constituencies. The President has, by law, designated that at least one MP in each of nine GRCs must belong to the Malay community and at least one MP in each of five GRCs must belong to the Indian and other minority communities. The President has also, by order published in the Gazette, declared the group number for each GRC under Section 8A (1) (a) of the Act. The group number declared for Jurong GRC is five but now, ominously, in contradiction to the group number declared by the President, there are only four MPs in that GRC. With this in mind, there are, logically, at least four scenarios whereby a GRC by-election should be held under the law: If in any of the nine GRCs where only one of the MPs belongs to the Malay community and he or she resigns or is no longer a member of the party or is disqualified or is no longer a Singapore citizen or has died, then that GRC ceases to comply with the law. The same rationale applies in the case of the five GRCs where only one of the MPs belongs to the Indian or other minority communities. If all members of a GRC resign and form a new political party or join another party. If at least one MP of a GRC resigns or is no longer a member of the party or is disqualified or is no longer a Singapore citizen or has died (as in the case of Jurong GRC), then that GRC ceases to comply with the group number declared by the President, because, as clearly stated by the Elections Department, 'the President declares the group number for each GRC by law'. In my opinion, the conundrum now faced by Jurong GRC is that it may also not comply with Section 22 (2) of the Act as it does not have 'such number of Members to serve in Parliament as designated for that constituency by the President under Section 8A (1) (a)', unless it co-opts a fifth member and, hopefully, wins the by-election. Tan Keng Tat | |
Opposition yet to show it can deliver, unlike PAP
| July 26, 2008 | |
| Opposition yet to show it can deliver, unlike PAP | |
| I REFER to Wednesday's letter by Mr Alvin Tan, 'JBJ must be careful if he wishes to espouse Singapore's cause'. I admire Mr J.B. Jeyaretnam for his fighting spirit. Even though he is 82, he is still actively engaged in politics. I hope he will retire graciously. I welcome an opposition, provided it is constructive and helps Singapore make progress. I have been through six or seven general elections. At each one, the opposition candidates always seem to have the same agenda. They criticise government policies and fight for freedom of speech, but they say nothing about how to help raise national productivity or revenue. The People's Action Party Government has given us a well-run system. Because of this, all my siblings have at least 10 years of education, they own Housing Board homes, and their children can have a tertiary education and hold stable jobs. This is what we want for our future generations. I would like to recount an incident in the 1960s, when I was a secondary student. I had the opportunity to meet then-prime minister Lee Kuan Yew at the official opening of Outram Hill Community Centre. He had walked from Outram Road up Outram Hill. The moment he offered me his hand, I did not hesitate to shake it. I had the feeling then that Singapore was in good hands. Voting for the opposition now, in the light of what the Government has promised and fulfilled, would amount to dismantling what it has achieved, and moving backwards. Lee Choon Wah | |
SM Goh confident PAP will eventually win back Hougang
Mr Goh was speaking at the National Day Dinner of the opposition-held ward of Hougang on Saturday.
His key message at the dinner was that the ruling People's Action Party (PAP) must continue to produce results which make people's lives better.
He also said the PAP must never lose the people's trust as this is the ruling party's recipe for the continued success of Singapore.
Mr Goh said that is why he is confident of eventually winning Hougang back from the opposition.
Mr Goh was in the thick of action in the opposition-held ward of Hougang during the last general election in 2006.
Returning for this year's National Day celebrations, Mr Goh noted that the opposition parliamentarian for the area since 1991, Low Thia Khiang, believes his job is just to ask questions and check the ruling party, but not to offer solutions to problems.
Mr Goh said this is a rather narrow view of the role of an opposition. And the Senior Minister has thrown a challenge to the advisor and grassroots leaders of the Hougang division - to keep its incumbent Mr Low on his toes.
Mr Goh said, "Amongst the things you can do... I suggest you study the annual accounts of the town council to ensure that the funds are properly used. Check whether the arrears for S&C (service and conservancy) charges are piling up, and eating into their reserves. Make sure that enough money is put aside for cyclical maintenance.
"In your walkabouts, check on the estate maintenance. If Mr Low has done a good job, give him credit for it. If there are deficiencies, point them out to the residents. In short, play the role of an effective opposition in Hougang."
He noted, "Eventually, I believe we will win Hougang back, but whether we do or not, I think (we should) serve the people. That's what we are here for."
Mr Goh noted that the people living in the opposition ward know that they have benefited from government policies. But many also think that there should be an opposition to keep the ruling party on its toes.
The Senior Minister said, "Ideally, our political system should facilitate the emergence of a strong, effective government after every election and a responsible, constructive opposition.
"But no matter how you design it, there is no guarantee, because it depends on whether good, honest and competent people come forward to stand for elections and the wisdom of the electorate when they cast their ballot.
"So there's a natural tendency - which I can appreciate of some people wanting to have a voice, not belonging to the party, not belonging to the PAP - to check and balance the PAP. That's understandable because people want to debate issues, they want to have their views expressed in Parliament."
So Mr Goh said the ruling party's primary task before the next election, which is due by 2011, is to look for good candidates.
He said, "In India, the world's largest democracy, several criminals have been elected into Parliament and some are serving jail terms, including one convicted murderer who is waiting for his appeal to be heard.
"But recently, they were brought out to vote because a confidence motion on the government was hanging in the balance. They were of course then returned to jail. But can you imagine MPs with criminal records holding the future of Singapore in their hands?"
So the Senior Minister hopes the opposition too would look for good candidates so voters will be given a real choice. - CNA/ms
Friday, 25 July 2008
Police threw me to the ground: Nair
| July 25, 2008 | | |
| TRIAL OF EX-S'PORE LAWYER Police threw me to the ground: Nair | ||
The 58-year-old, facing charges of abusing police officers and behaving in a disorderly manner, raised several issues in the morning before the start of the trial. Among other things, he asked for the full names of the investigation officer, the prosecutor and the judge. He also said that he is now known as Gordon and wanted that name to be used in court documents instead. Nair, a former Workers' Party member who contested the elections here in 1988 and 1991, also objected to the presence of the investigation officer in court. The officer later left the courtroom. It is common for the investigator to sit in court to help the prosecution with documents and physical evidence, even though he is also a witness. Nair, who is now an American citizen and practising law in the US, is accused of spewing expletives at police officers near the junction of Bukit Timah and Race Course roads on July 4. The second charge accuses him of gesticulating and shouting in public. A doctor who examined him at the Police Cantonment Complex a day after said Nair complained of pain in his left shoulder and both arms. On the stand, Dr Gabriel Chong said: 'He told me he was pushed down to the ground during his arrest, and that his spectacles had been damaged.' Dr Chong found superficial abrasions on Nair's wrists and a small patch of abrasion over his right eyebrow. The doctor passed Nair fit to be locked up as he was healthy and had no serious injuries. Under cross-examination by Nair, who represented himself, Dr Chong said he felt that the depth of Nair's wound above his right eye suggested a very minor injury with minimal force. But Nair is claiming that the police caught hold of his hands and body, and pushed and forcibly threw him to the ground. Nair also faces trial in September on charges of insulting two High Court judges. If convicted of using abusive words on a public servant, he can be fined up to $5,000 or jailed for up to a year. Disorderly behaviour is punishable with a $1,000 fine or one month in jail. The case continues next week. ELENA CHONG | ||
Thursday, 24 July 2008
Gopalan Nair claims trial to abusing police, disorderly conduct charges
| July 24, 2008 | | |
| Gopalan Nair claims trial to abusing police, disorderly conduct charges | ||
| By Elena Chong, Courts Correspondent | ||
FORMER Singaporean lawyer Gopalan Nair went on trial on Thursday for allegedly hurling vulgarities at two policemen and for disorderly behaviour. Gopalan Nair, 58, now an American citizen, pleaded not guilty to abusing Staff Sergeant Kang Wei Chian and Sergeant Noor Azhar Daud by shouting expletives at them near the junction of Bukit Timah Road and Race Course Road on July 4. He is also alleged to have gesticulated with his hands at about 10.35pm that day. Before the trial proper began, Nair asked District Judge James Leong not to let police officers and the investigation officer sitting in court to 'go out and coach other prosecution witnesses.' He also wanted to know the full names of the investigation officer and others, including Deputy Public Prosecutor Peter Koy. The first witness who took the stand, Dr Gabriel Chong, from Raffles Medical Group, said that he went to Cantonment Police Complex on July 5 to examine Nair. The former Workers' Party election candidate told him that he was pushed to the ground during his arrest. As a result, his spectacles were damaged. Dr Chong said Nair complained of pains on his left shoulder and both arms. The trial continues next week. | ||
Tuesday, 22 July 2008
JBJ challenges Govt to call by-election in late MP's ward
JBJ challenges Govt to call by-election in late MP's ward | ||
| By Sue-ann Chia | ||
Dr Ong, who died last Monday at age 59, was an MP for Bukit Batok, part of the six-seater Jurong GRC. Referring to recent criticisms of Singapore's style of governance, and government rebuttals of those criticisms which highlighted what Singapore's admirers said, Mr Jeyaretnam said: 'It is not enough to sing praises. You should show yourself ready to defend the system and its merits against attacks on the system.' And the best way to do so, he argued, is to submit to the ultimate judges - the electorate. The 82-year-old, who had just formed the Reform Party, made his argument in an open letter addressed to Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong. 'Do not, I urge you, shelter behind the provisions of the law that seemingly do not require you to call for a by-election,' he said. 'All these laws were designed and passed by those who...stand to benefit under the scheme. The laws have only one object - to keep the minority that you represent in power.' Mr Lim Boon Heng, the leading minister in Jurong GRC as well as chairman of the People's Action Party, told The Straits Times last week that there were no plans for a by-election as this is not required by law. The remaining five MPs in the GRC will share the responsibilities for Dr Ong's ward, he said. In his letter yesterday, Mr Jeyaretnam queried Mr Lim's reading of the law, saying he is not sure the law does not require a by-election to be held. He said there was no need to call a by-election for the whole GRC, but just for the ward without an MP now. 'If you do not call for a by-election, you will be seen as someone who is afraid to defend your beliefs and only interested in keeping yourself in power regardless of what the voters feel,' he said. | ||
Monday, 21 July 2008
Singapore cbank dollar buying to depress money rates
Singapore cbank dollar buying to depress money rates
By Kevin Yao
SINGAPORE, July 15 (Reuters) - Singapore's depressed money market rates will stay that way for a while as the central bank continues to buy dollars to limit currency appreciation, flooding the market with money, analysts said on Tuesday.
Three-month interbank market rates (SIBOR)
Six-month interbank rates fell to 1.50 percent on Monday from from 1.813 percent in early June.
Singapore's interbank rates have been falling steadily from the middle of 2006, when the three-month rate peaked at about 3.6 percent, coinciding with steep gains in the local dollar since then.
Analysts expect the short-term rates to stay weak in the coming months as foreign money flows in, putting pressure on the Singapore dollar to rise and forcing the Monetary Authority of Singapore (MAS) to buy U.S. dollars to curb its strength.
"The easier money rates have been an 'anomaly' that are probably partly attributable to continued inflows that are keeping interbank liquidity flush," said Emmanuel Ng, a currency strategist at OCBC Bank in Singapore.
"There is little impetus (for the rates) to rise significantly in the near term unless we see a generalised withdrawal of investor flows out of Asia en masse," he added.
But Chia Woon Khien, an analyst at Royal Bank of Scotland, said she believed that Singapore's money rates would bottom out later this year as weakening exports reduce the amount of U.S. dollar inflows and ease upward pressures on the currency.
"Considering that liquidity conditions are still flush, money market rates have fallen quite a lot lately, but I'm not so sure if rates have more room to fall," she said.
The MAS, which is torn between the dilemma of containing inflation running at 26-year highs while trying to avoid a sharp economic slowdown, is expected to stick to its tight policy at its review in October but refrain from tightening further.
The central bank, which conducts monetary policy by managing the currency within a secret trading band against a basket of currencies instead of setting interest rates, shifted the centre of that band upwards in April to try to quell inflation.
CURRENCY RISES
Analysts say this unique policy constrains the central bank because it has to intervene to control the currency, and in the process it has no sway over rates in the money market.
Han Sia Yeo, a currency strategist at Bank of America, said he expected the Singapore dollar to stay close to the estimated upper end of the band in the near term, but gradually drift lower towards its mid-point later this year as inflation risks begin to recede.
The Singapore dollar
The Singapore dollar has gained 6.6 percent this year despite frequent dollar-buying intervention by the authorities, trailing behind the Chinese yuan
By contrast, fears of inflation and credit woes have hit most Asian currencies this year, particularly the South Korean won
Meanwhile, Singapore's bond yield curve <0#sgbmk=> is flattening with yields on two-year bonds rising 25 basis points in the past week and the spread between 2- and 20-year bonds narrowing to 270 basis points from 305 basis points a week ago.
Analysts said the flattening yield curve was partially influenced by recent data which showed that the economy shrank by an annualised and seasonally adjusted 6.6 percent in the second quarter -- the sharpest contraction in five years.
Citigroup has cut its forecast for Singapore's 2008 economic growth to 4.1 percent from 4.7 percent, citing slowing exports amid the U.S. slowdown, analyst Kit Wei Zheng said in a note.
"Given the growth slowdown, moderating inflation and lagged effects of past policy tightening, we expect the MAS to maintain its current policy stance in October," he said. (Editing by Jacqueline Wong)
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Sunday, 20 July 2008
Confusion over issues relating to transgenderism
20 July 2008
In a society like Thailand where attitudes towards transgendered people are supposedly amongst the most liberal in the world, confusion over basic issues like orchiectomy (castration) is still prevalent.
In a Straits Times article entitled "Thai teens seeking sex changes grapple with new rule" published on 20 July 08, it is mentioned that health authorities have become alarmed by stories and the subsequent public debate about underage boys seeking and receiving castrations as the first step toward gender reassignment surgery (GRS). This concern has prompted the Thai authorities to introduce new regulation requiring people seeking GRS to be 18 or older.
To quote the ST article: "Some gay activists and parents worried about potential side effects of the operation on bodies that are still growing believe the age at which youths can independently make the decision to be castrated should be raised to 20."
In this day and age where medical science is supposed to be undergoing rapid advancement, it is disheartening to note that unsubstantiated concerns over the effects of orchiectomy and GRS on a young person's body are still being used to justify curtailing the rights of trangendered people to achieve the crucial physical characteristic that best express their own true gender, and in so doing, live a freer and more dignified life.
There is absolutely no reason why a man seeking GRS should be prevented from undergoing orchiectomy as a preliminary procedure.
Orchiectomy, if performed when a boy is still undergoing puberty, would severely restrict the development of secondary sexual characteristics, and enable him to more easily present as a female later on in life. This is of immense psychological benefit to boys who are genuine sufferers of gender dysphoria and are seriously seeking gender reassignment.
Most of the cost incurred by a transgendered male in his quest for gender reassignment is not in the actual surgical procedure (vaginoplasty) itself, but in eliminating male secondary sexual characteristics like facial hair, and the use of hormones.
The majority of transgendered people seeking gender reassignment take estrogen to develop female secondary sexual characteristics as well as an androgen blocker to restrict the impact of testosterone on the body. These drugs might take a toll on the liver with prolonged use. Orchiectomy would enable the transgendered person to eliminate the use of androgen blockers entirely and consume far less quantities of estrogen, and yet achieve the same or even greater results.
Hence, orchiectomy not only results in substantial cost savings, but also protects the health of transgendered people.
The main concern the medical community has is that if young people are allowed to undergo gender reassignment too early in life, they may later regret their decision as they may not have had enough time to think through their decision and comprehend the consequences of gender reassignment such as sterility.
The World Professional Association for Transgender Health (WPATH) has a very comprehensive Standards of Care document which details the various medical and psychiatric protocols that medical practitioners must subscribe to when dealing with gender identity therapy. Examples of these protocols include the requirement for multiple recommendation letters penned by independent psychologists as one of the many pre-requisite for GRS, as well as for the patient to have had substantial Real Life Experience living in the opposite gender before GRS can be performed.
However, these protocols and directives, while ostensibly enacted to protect transgendered people from exploitation or from making the wrong choices, are themselves subject to abuse and used as a means for profiteering on the part of medical practitioners. Some consider the Standards of Care a "ritual document" with little clinical usefulness, and only serves the interest of the medical community in preventing lawsuits from those who regret choosing GRS. See http://www.tsroadmap.com/reality/wpath-standards.html for more details.
The reality is that the majority of gender dysphoria sufferers identify their own condition very early in life, often as early as childhood. Unnecessary legislation that prevents them from seeking gender reassignment until a certain arbitrarily defined age, or which places multiple bureaucratic obstacles in their path, only adds to their suffering.
The right of a person to choose his or her own gender should be a fundamental right free from unnecessary infringement from supposedly well-intentioned medical practitioners as well as lobbyists who are evidently still confused over such basic issues like the side effects of orchiectomy.
Thai teens seeking sex changes grapple with new rules
![]() For two years Ponchalearm has yearned for the operation and at 18 he has reached the age at which, under a new Thai health regulation, he can legally make the decision himself. -- PHOTO: AFP |
Now 18, Ponchalearm's changes are all the more striking as he sits, slim and ladylike in a top of white satin and black lace, next to his stern and athletic twin brother.
Ponchalearm's aunt absent-mindedly runs her fingers through his waist-length auburn hair extensions as the family quietly discusses whether Ponchalearm is ready for a sex change operation.
'It's my life and I've decided that I must do it before university,' Ponchalearm says. 'I feel happy, it's fun, I can express myself as I want. I'm lucky I have friends who understand me.'
As he speaks, his mother softly cuts in to express her concern that he is too young to understand the long-term consequences of his decision.
'Let's consider this, you're still too young,' she says. 'I want him to take time to grow up a bit.'
For two years Ponchalearm has yearned for the operation and at 18 he has reached the age at which, under a new Thai health regulation, he can legally make the decision himself.
The regulation was introduced in April after health authorities became alarmed by stories and the subsequent public debate about underage boys seeking - and receiving - castrations as the first step toward gender reassignment surgery.
Some gay activists and parents worried about potential side effects of the operation on bodies that are still growing believe the age at which youths can independently make the decision to be castrated should be raised to 20.
'They're trying to do everything to make themselves look like a real woman,' said Ms Nathee Teerarojanapong, head of the Gay Political Group of Thailand.
'Why can't they forget about the external beauty and look inside?'
Thailand is believed to have one of the largest transgender populations in the world. Academics estimate at least 10,000 live in Thailand, though other guesses are more than 10 times higher.
Surgery to remove the testicles apparently carries very little inherent physical risk but the side effects of the hormone drugs that must be taken to hasten the transformation from male to female can include hot flushes, weight gain, muscle loss and a loss of libido, as well as tiredness.
Aside from the psychological impact of that such profound change can bring, some doctors who are expert in gender reassignment insist that any fears of physical side effects are exaggerated.
'There are no serious side effects,' said Dr Thep Vechavisit, a leading Thai sex change doctor. 'People are stupid and talk about things they know nothing about. These activists are hurting transgender people.'
Current precautions, which require men to consider their decision for one year and see a psychologist for assessment of their suitability and mental readiness for the operation, are sufficient for weeding out the half-hearted, he said.
'Usually these kinds of people are very young when they're willing to become a woman,' Dr Thep said.
'They show up and they've made their decision already. In 20 years I have only had one patient come in and say, 'Doctor, I want my penis back'.'
But some people who have already had the operation say the controversy has made them nervous.
Chatpakorn 'Belle' Chotiem, a cabaret dancer in Pattaya, said he was castrated five years ago aged 14, after one of his friends had the operation.
'She was so beautiful, a beautiful girl, and I hoped to be like her so much,' Belle said. 'Now I don't know what to do. I'm so worried about what will happen later.' Ponchalearm's mother said she doesn't want her son in the same situation.
She said she first heard rumours about side effects from a doctor talking about the castration ban on a talk show.
Until then she had been willing to accept her son's decision, Ms Valee said, but now she is not so sure.
'I don't want him to get the operation because I'm afraid he'll get hurt.' If her son won't reconsider, Ms Valee said she was willing to pay for the operation so he could have it at a respectable hospital rather than an underground clinic.
'Whatever he becomes, he's my child,' she said.
Although he says he always wanted to be a girl, Ponchalearm only began thinking seriously about the operation after starting at a new high school where he met about 50 other 'ladyboys' and felt that for the first time in his life he was among people who understood him.
None of his trendy, soft-speaking, cross-dressing friends have yet gone through with sex change surgery, he said, but some are on the one-year waiting list.
He admits the long wait for the surgery - and the thought of the blood that goes with it - have made him squeamish.
'I try to convince myself that I need to do this,' he said. 'I must.' But his mother fears it's a passing phase and see no easy solution.
'My real wish,' she said, 'I wish my son was like normal people. Since he was born male, he should be male.' -- AFP
Friday, 18 July 2008
The price of freedom
The price of freedom
South-east Asian voters appreciate that liberal democracy doesn't always produce progressive social policy
All comments ()
* Sholto Byrnes
*
o Sholto Byrnes
o guardian.co.uk,
o Thursday July 17, 2008
"With few exceptions, democracy has not brought good government to new developing countries... What Asians value may not necessarily be what Americans or Europeans value. Westerners value the freedoms and liberties of the individual. As an Asian of Chinese cultural background, my values are for a government which is honest, effective and efficient."
The words are long-time leader Lee Kuan Yew's, but they could as well have been written by the Singaporean High Commissioner, Michael Teo, who argued in this space earlier this week that liberal democracy may work for the west, but that south-east Asians prefer a different model.
Emotions are easily roused by this debate. The British press is never slow to condemn the governments of south-east Asia as being "repressive" or "police states". The reality, however, is much more complex, as I, the former Far Eastern Economic Review editor Philip Bowring and health and women's rights activist Marina Mahathir, among others, discuss in a special report in today's New Statesman.
That Singapore's government is a form of "guided democracy" is a statement of fact, not opinion. Michael Teo is being disingenuous when he writes of "opposition parties" and "diversity of views", as genuine opposition figures such as Chee Soon Juan, no stranger to the courts or the prisons due to his political activities, could testify. The tone is still set by the city-state's long-time prime minister, now minister mentor, Lee Kuan Yew, whose comments are always characterised by an admirable, if somewhat bracing, clarity. "We decide what is right," he said in 1987. "Never mind what the people think."
But Teo is quite right to point out that many south-east Asian nations lack a long history of shared nationhood or are divided on racial and religious grounds. There were practical reasons for strong governments to prevail. In the post-war years the region's newly independent states were riven by Communist insurgencies and secessionist movements. Borders shifted; nations were created, such as Singapore, which came into being as a sovereign state only after being ejected from Malaysia in 1965. When liberal democracy was tried – as in Indonesia, where there were 17 different cabinets in 13 years between 1944 and 1957 – it led to chaos.
The more interesting point is whether, as Teo implied, these societies have struck a different "balance between individual liberties and the common good". Western critics seize on individuals such as Anwar Ibrahim, Malaysia's opposition leader, and make them into liberal heroes, without pausing to question just how representative they are of the populations they seek to lead. London-based commentators may be surprised by the degree of acceptance of the status quo they would find on the ground in these largely conservative, religious, family-oriented societies. We take stability for granted; it has been a hard-won prize in south-east Asia.
Those who dismiss the Singapore model should also remember that democratic processes can have illiberal outcomes. It is no coincidence that conservative and radical forms of Islam have gained ground in Indonesia since the fall of Suharto, and that women there and in Malaysia (one of the more consistently democratic countries in the region) face increasing legal and societal pressures to wear the hijab. More authoritarian regimes were secularism's friend; more unrestrained pluralism has sometimes led to extremist voices shouting the loudest and threatening the liberties of those who differ.
Ask Lilis Lindawati, a waitress picked up by police in the city of Tangerang on Java two years ago, what she thinks of Indonesia's new democracy. The married mother of two was waiting for a bus home after work, but because she was alone and not wearing a headscarf, she was arrested under new "religious" bylaws. The next day she was convicted of being a prostitute – because she had lipstick in her handbag. I wonder where she would feel more free now – in Indonesia, or in Singapore?
HK rolls out $1.9b anti-inflation plan
| July 17, 2008 | | |
| HK rolls out $1.9b anti-inflation plan | ||
| One-off relief plan includes transport and utility subsidies, freeze in govt fees | ||
Chief Executive Donald Tsang, unveiling the short-term relief package to legislators, said it would cost around HK$11 billion (S$1.9 billion). 'These are extreme times and we need extreme measures,' he said. Mr Tsang stressed that the proposals were temporary and 'once-only' measures to assist the lower- and middle-income groups. The relief package, which must be approved by legislators, includes transport subsidies for students, an extra two months' allowance for pensioners and an extension of free rent for public housing tenants to three months. The city authorities will also provide a HK$1,800 electricity bill subsidy for all households, and freeze government fees related to 'daily lives' for one year. A total of HK$100 million will be allocated to provide food subsidies for low-income families. In a move to help middle-income families, Mr Tsang also pledged to waive the HK$400 monthly maid levy for two years. The relief package would not have any long-term implications for public finances, he said. The anti-inflation measures come as Mr Tsang's popularity has reached a record low amid accelerating inflation and his seeming unwillingness to redistribute the city's fiscal surpluses. Although Hong Kong has forecast a fiscal deficit this year, Fitch ratings agency projects that strong tax revenues will help the government return a HK$17.5 billion surplus. The government has opted largely for stop-gap relief measures rather than implementing longer-term policies to deal with inflation, including increasing social welfare payouts. Hong Kong's consumer prices rose 5.7 per cent in May from a year earlier. Underlying inflation, excluding distortions created by government waivers, is also at 5.7 per cent, the highest in the past 10 years. Prices of meat are more than 50 per cent higher than a year ago, putting pressure on lower- income citizens who spend proportionately more of their pay on food than higher-income earners. Mr Tsang told the Legislative Council yesterday that inflation should come down. 'In the medium term, I believe inflation will moderate,' he said. Last month, the government announced a waiver on fuel taxes for public and commercial transport, following days of demonstrations by truck and bus drivers over surging oil prices. AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE, BLOOMBERG, REUTERS | ||
Thursday, 17 July 2008
Singapore's economic success is its shield
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The island nation's advanced development makes it impervious to outside criticism
Of course, it is difficult for the latter group to make much headway. Lee has no mercy for political opponents, never mind time to listen to them. He is still the "Minister's Mentor", and has great influence over day-to-day affairs
So, when foreign countries and international organisations criticise the island nation, the Singaporean leaders just laugh. They could not care less what other people have said or will say. Nothing will affect Singapore's government.
Some countries are receptive to outside pressure, especially in Europe. But Singapore is an exception. The latest report by the London-based International Bar Association's Human Rights Institute (IBAHRI) is a case in point. The organisation attacked Singapore's government for its human rights record and the island republic's severe limitations on freedom of expression, assembly and the press, and of the independence of the judiciary. Moreover, the report said that Singapore courts are notorious for slapping huge penalties on those found guilty of defaming Singapore's leaders.
The report pointed out that a judiciary vulnerable to executive influence is largely to blame for these kind of problems, and the chilling effect it brings to Singaporean society in particular. But this is nothing new. IBAHRI should have known the situation inside the country because it held its annual meeting there last October - to widespread criticism.
It is ironic that Singapore has maintained its political and social system unchanged. It stands alone. Other countries in Southeast Asia often talk about the sway of neighbouring countries, such as Thailand's influence on democratic development in Cambodia, Burma, the Philippines or Indonesia. Singapore can be very international when it wants to be, when this attitude fits and benefits the country. The island's leaders can also isolate themselves if they believe that is the right thing to do. Just look back at the caning of American student Michael Fay in May 1994, an issue on which the island refused to budge, even under great US pressure. This is the kind of determination seen rarely in the international community. Still, bilateral relations between Singapore and the US have prospered. Now, Singapore is one of the most trusted allies of the US.
So, Singapore will change only when the PAP loses some of its grip on power and the country's economic condition alters. For example, the government's decision to go ahead with the construction of two huge casinos after years of opposition shows the utmost pragmatism. The Singaporean leaders are shrewd, looking only for a win-win outcome.
This explains why several countries, big and small, are studying the so-called 'Singapore model', which concentrates on economic growth and government control. Even superpowers like Russia and China are interested in the island's development model.
Whatever Singapore does, it has an advantage because it is small. So, foreign organisations, respectable as they might be, should be wary when commenting on Singapore. Let's face it, Singapore is successful and its people are economically prosperous. Say whatever one likes, most Singaporeans are content with their situation.
Lest we forget, many foreigners also love Singapore also because of its efficiency and cleanliness. Business people especially do not care about human rights or media freedom when they invest in and do business with the island.



