| Mr Low Thia Khiang succeeded Mr J.B. Jeyaretnam as Workers' Party chief in 2001. Eight years earlier, Dr Chee Soon Juan took over the Singapore Democratic Party from Mr Chiam See Tong. No transition was smooth. In both style and substance, Mr Low and Dr Chee are hardly political heirs to the opposition veterans who once inspired and mentored them. Instead, Mr Low seems to have taken a leaf out of Mr Chiam's book, focusing on specific policy issues rather than condemning the system as a whole. In 2006, Mr Low succeeded Mr Chiam as unofficial leader of the opposition in Parliament. Dr Chee, on the other hand, appears to have more in common with Mr Jeyaretnam. Both are strident in their criticisms against laws that, in their view, 'disempower' people and 'diminish' the electoral system. Over the years, the four opposition leaders have developed their own distinctive styles of politics. What best describes each approach? How have they succeeded, and where do they fall short? ZAKIR HUSSAIN finds out.
DOGGED FIGHTER WITH NO SUCCESSOR
 CHIAM SEE TONG, 73 - 1976 Cairnhill 31.8%
- 1979 Potong Pasir by-election 33.2%
- 1980 Potong Pasir 41.0%
- 1984 Potong Pasir 60.3%
- 1988 Potong Pasir 63.1%
- 1991 Potong Pasir 69.6%
- 1997 Potong Pasir 55.2%
- 2001 Potong Pasir 52.4%
- 2006 Potong Pasir 55.8%
Mr Chiam made his name in 1981 as the only opposition member to get a settlement for libel from a People's Action Party (PAP) leader. He sued thenforeign minister S. Dhanabalan for remarks related to his professional capacity and competence made at an election rally. Mr Dhanabalan publicly apologised and settled the matter out of court. Mr Chiam's opponent in Potong Pasir, then-defence minister Howe Yoon Chong, also apologised and compensated him for making similar remarks. Mr Chiam is known to visit his ward almost daily. In 2002, he became a full-time MP when he quit his law practice. He has doggedly argued that his ward should be on par with PAP wards in benefiting from national upgrading schemes. Even when he suffered a mild stroke earlier this year, he stayed in touch with party and town council matters, returning to his weekly Meet-the-People sessions two weeks later. - Cooperates with other parties
Unlike Mr Low Thia Khiang, Mr Chiam has not been averse to working closely with other parties. In 2001 he mooted the Singapore Democratic Alliance (SDA) to bring together four opposition parties. 'Singaporeans do not want small parties but a strong group against the PAP', he said at its formation. The SDA went on to divide up the island with other parties, including the Workers' Party and the Singapore Democratic Party (SDP), so as to avoid multi-cornered fights which would split the opposition vote. Mr Chiam has had a clear message from his first electoral fight ever: End the one-party system by choosing a 'responsible, articulate and effective opposition'. He has not managed to grow that opposition the way he envisioned it, but his message continues to resonate. Equally, his emphasis on the need for the opposition to be responsible and to have higher standards also goes down well with voters. But what of the future? Mr Chiam's sixth consecutive win in 2006 came amid some feeling that a certain tiredness had settled into his MP-ship. His vote count increased by a few points, but concerns linger about the future of the ward, and his Singapore People's Party (SPP), which he has led since leaving the SDP in 1996. Said political blogger Gerald Giam: 'It would be sad to see his party take a bow together with him. Unfortunately, this is where it seems to be headed.'
SLOW AND STEADY WINS THE RACE
 LOW THIA KHIANG, 51 - 1988 Tiong Bahru GRC 42.2%
- 1991 Hougang 52.8%
- 1997 Hougang 58%
- 2001 Hougang 55%
- 2006 Hougang 62.7%
Mr Low has 'focused a great deal on nurturing ties at the local level' even as he presents himself as a check on government, says academic Dr Gillian Koh. The Hougang MP, who first entered Parliament in 1991, has meals in his constituency market, accepts wedding invitations and attends wakes. His Hougang Constituency Committee organises celebrations at major festivals, parties for residents, and pulls together aid for needy residents. The focus on local needs saw him up his vote share by close to eight percentage points in the 2006 General Election. Mr Low has declined most media interviews in his 20 years as opposition MP. In 1994, when then-senior minister Lee Kuan Yew singled him out as a 'good MP' and 'the only one worth listening to', his only comment to the media was to thank Mr Lee, and say: 'I think it is not for him to judge. It is for Singaporeans to judge, especially my constituents, whether I am good or worth listening to.' The flip side of his low-key approach? Detractors say it has not dented the ruling PAP's dominance. - Bread and butter rather than human rights
Since Mr Low took over the Workers' Party in 2001, the WP has become more focused on bread and butter issues, rather than issues of freedom and democracy. In Parliament, issues he has raised include increases in the goods and services tax, the rising cost of living, and the Mas Selamat escape. He has been careful to get his facts right. Mr Low has attracted more professionals to join the WP, like law lecturer Sylvia Lim. 'Together with Sylvia Lim, he appears to be very slowly but steadily building up a political party that is respected by Singaporeans, avoiding anything that could derail it,' says political blogger Gerald Giam. Some WP members have left, unhappy with the pace of change and attempts to regulate members' conduct online. But the party retains a solid team at its core. Mr Low sees his role as one to scrutinise government policies and Bills, and to reflect the views of the man in the street 'in a rational and responsible manner'. As he put it: 'I play the role of a watchdog to check whether the Government has delivered its promises or has short-changed the people.' He is 'sharp and quick in pouncing on loose statements from the front bench', notes PAP MP Charles Chong.
LITTLE INTEREST IN PARLIAMENTARY ROUTE
 CHEE SOON JUAN, 46 - 1992 Marine Parade GRC by-election 24.5%
- 1997 Mac- Pherson 34.9%
- 2001 Jurong GRC 20.3%
Dr Chee's political career has been one headline-grabbing event after another. These range from a 1993 hunger strike to protest his sacking from the National University of Singapore for misusing research funds, to a string of illegal protest actions in the name of civil disobedience, to heckling political leaders in public. - Parliament is no platform
Dr Chee has stood for elections in Marine Parade GRC and MacPherson, but has made no effort to cultivate the ground in either. He seems to have little interest in the parliamentary route. Law academic Eugene Tan attributes this to a 'belief that political martyrdom is his destiny even at great personal expense'. Political blogger Gerald Giam, 30, feels Dr Chee is 'a rebel who's lost his cause' and would be better off starting an activist group to educate Singaporeans about their civil and political rights. Dr Chee has not held back from courting - and gaining - international support for his cause. He is also not averse to foreign funds and alliances, unlike the other three leaders. He heads the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats, a grouping of like-minded political parties from the region, and has travelled widely to raise awareness of his party and its view of the political situation in Singapore. He was also a fellow at the National Endowment for Democracy in Washington. He has openly declared that the Open Singapore Centre, which he and Mr J.B. Jeyaretnam set up in 1999, had received donations from overseas supporters, but declined to reveal who they were. Dr Chee's 'go it alone' style makes him a divisive figure, more so in opposition ranks. Moderate leaders have distanced themselves from him and his causes, driven by voters' apparent discomfort with his style of politics. Dr Chee's strongest following seems to be on the Internet, where he has been hailed as someone 'planting the seed for a better and freer Singapore', among other things. 'I see Chee as having lost the battle but he might actually win the war in the long term,' says one online post. But he has detractors online too. 'While Chee has ideas and sometimes, content, what he lacks most as a politician is finesse. Pick the right battles at the right time. The things he's done, they left the wrong impression with me, and likely with most thinking Singaporeans,' said one.
THE RETURN OF THE TIGER
 J.B. JEYARETNAM, 82 - 1972 Farrer Park 23.1%
- 1976 Kg Chai Chee 40.1%
- 1977 Radin Mas by-election 29.4%
- 1979 Telok Blangah by-election 38.8%
- 1980 Telok Blangah 47%
- 1981 Anson by-election 51.9%
- 1984 Anson 56.8%
- 1997 Cheng San GRC 45.2 %
Mr Jeyaretnam made history in 1981 when he became the first opposition MP to be elected in independent Singapore. He soon built up a reputation for fiery oratory. In Parliament, he pushed for greater disclosure on issues ranging from workers' compensation to human rights to defence spending. His was a 'more aggressive and confrontational position' compared to Mr Chiam See Tong, who joined him in the House in 1984, notes Pasir Ris-Punggol GRC MP Charles Chong, 54. Mr Jeyaretnam won a seat in Parliament on his sixth attempt, nine years after he first contested. He was disqualified from Parliament in 1986, when he was sent to jail for a month, but returned as Non-Constituency MP in 1997. He lost his seat again in 2001, when he was declared a bankrupt. But the Tiger, a label he earned in the run-up to his Anson win, has come back. Last year, he discharged himself from bankruptcy. This year, he set up the Reform Party. Law academic Eugene Tan of the Singapore Management University believes Mr Jeyaretnam will find support among voters who are inclined towards the underdog and admire his derring-do. Mr Jeyaretnam's oratory is in his favour, but there are also other more intangible factors. As political scientist and civil society activist Russell Heng puts it: 'There is this earnestness and sincerity coming across.' In Anson, Mr Jeyaretnam mobilised food handouts and free tuition for poor children despite being barred from using the community centre, and won more votes when he defended his seat in 1984. Mr Jeyaretnam has a penchant for pushing the human rights agenda. Dr Eugene Tan feels this is a weak point, as voters are 'not quite ready yet for a deep discourse on civil rights'. Political science academic Hussin Mutalib notes that Mr Jeyaretnam, like Dr Chee, seems 'prepared for the long haul, whatever it takes'. Today, Mr Jeyaretnam seems to feel that the struggle goes beyond getting into Parliament. When he announced his new party in April, he said he aimed to 'educate', 'energise' and 'empower' people to 'see the need to do something themselves instead of telling me all the time 'We can't do anything''.
WHAT NEXT? CAN the mixed record of opposition politics over the past 40 years shed light on its future? Observers note that where electoral results are concerned, the accommodative approach of Mr Chiam and Mr Low has held up better than the combative politics of Mr Jeyaretnam and Dr Chee. But the various styles - and their results - are likely to remain for some time yet. 'So long as the Group Representation Constituency system is intact, and the PAP continues to believe Singapore would be better off without an institutionalised parliamentary opposition, realpolitik needs to be appreciated,' said Associate Professor Hussin Mutalib of the National University of Singapore's political science department. 'Such a system favours opposition politicians and parties that 'ride' the mainstream political wave...rather than confront it head on.' 'This is not the ideal, but so long as voters cannot devise an 'alternative politics'...they will have no other viable choice but to work within the status quo in the foreseeable future,' he said. MP Charles Chong takes a different view, noting that voters here 'appear put off by extremism'. 'Alternative views expressed in moderate and sensible ways seem to have greater appeal to an increasingly sophisticated electorate, compared to extreme positions and silly antics,' he said. There will always be those against the establishment regardless of what it does, and there will always be those who are pro-establishment. 'The party that can win the broad middle ground will invariably do much better than those who can appeal only to the two extremities,' he added. All four schools, however, share one common goal: Breaking the PAP monopoly and establishing a multi-party democracy. Said Dr Russell Heng, associate senior fellow at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies: 'All four are people who dare to lose and, somehow, we have never celebrated that. 'They also have a certain doggedness which seems to be a rare thing among opposition figures, which is why the opposition is weak. 'These four have kept at it.' | 
